WHAT JAMMU AND LADAKH WANTS

Right since Independence, the state of Jammu and Kashmir has posed problems for the Indian nation. These problems, in a large measure, spring from the fact that the state did not become a part of the Union on August 15, 1947, but October 26, 1947. The genesis of what is called the Kashmir problem can be traced back to the events that happened between August 15, 1947, and October 26, 1947. The nomenclature Kashmir problem is misleading and does not help.

Kashmir as a shorthand for describing J&K creates its own problems as it excludes the regions of Jammu and Ladakh altogether. It also excludes the areas of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (POK), Gilgit, Baltistan and Hunza etc (collectively called the Northern Areas) which were a part of the state of J&K on August 14, 1947. Kashmiri separatist leaders, including moderate Hurriyat Conference leader Mirwaiz Moulvi Omar Farooq, readily admit that it is not the Kashmir valley (comprising an area of only 15,948 square kilometers) alone which is the bone of contention.

The region of Jammu is over 26,293 square kilometers, Ladakh (comprising Leh and Kargil districts) far bigger and one only needs to remember that the state of J&K (on August 14, 1947) was over 2,22,000 square kilometers.

JAMMU IS DIFFERENT

A counter-agitation erupted in Jammu the day it died in Kashmir on July 1. The region had erupted as the state government cancelled “diversion of land to Shri AmarnathJi Shrine Board (SASB)”. The government had done so to apparently quell the fires then raging in Kashmir valley against this May 26 order. As the agitation Kashmir died with the revocation of this order, it gave birth to a counter-agitation in Jammu, now raging like wild fires. The government singularly failed to communicate that the May 26 order issued by the state forest department did not confer “propriety rights on the SASB” in respect of 800 kanals of land “diverted for use during the yatra”.

The state government could have perhaps released advertisements in the newspapers to educate the masses and tell them that the land was being given to the SASB only “for temporary use during the duration of the yatra”. The government’s move to revoke the May 26 order was interpreted in Jammu as bowing before separatist sentiments being fanned in the Kashmir valley. It was also interpreted as an affront to the religious sentiments of the Hindus. The simmering anger that has manifested itself on the streets of Jammu since July 1 is the culmination of the region’s perceived “neglect and dominance by the Kashmir region”.

The Jammu region comprises 10 districts of which Jammu and Kathua are Hindu-majority areas. In Udhampur too, the number of Hindus is fairly high and in several areas the community is a clear majority. In other eight districts of the region, the two communities live together and the population ratio varies widely.

SECULAR ETHOS

With people of other religions like Sikhs and Christians also present in fairly large numbers, the Jammu region has been, by and large, secular. People of different ethnicities, religions and linguistic groups have continued to settle here, right since 1947. Successive waves of migrants settled in the capital city of Jammu and other areas in 1947, 1965, 1971, 1990 (Kashmiri Pandits) and 1999 (border migrants after Kargil war).

The Dogras embraced successive migrants with open arms, often much to their own detriment. The land prices have sky-rocketed, infrastructure is under strain and competition for jobs and education intense. Kashmiri Muslims have also constructed houses and bought properties in Jammu, mainly because they feel safer, than Kashmir. Their children study in Jammu schools and tuition centres, without feeling threatened. There have been no communal clashes in Jammu or its periphery, even after grave provocations like attacks on the symbol of Dogra pride and culture, the venerated RaghunathJi temple.

This is a tribute to the secular ethos of the region that the counter-attack to kill those who had intruded into the RaghunathJi temple was led by the then SSP of Jammu, Mr Farooq Khan. Even as the encounter continued, and the militants were felled, there were no reports of any communal clashes anywhere. A vast majority of Jammuites see India as their motherland. This is in sharp contrast to a section of Kashmiris who challenge the accession of J&K to India on October 26, 1947.

BASIS FOR ANGER

The Jammuites have made tremendous sacrifices for the cause of the Indian nation. When militancy broke out in the Valley in 1990, several Dogra officers were posted in Kashmir. A fairly large number of policemen who died while fighting the militants in Kashmir were Dogras, including Pahari Muslims from Poonch and Rajouri, besides Doda district.

Despite this, the Dogras believe that they are taken for granted by the state and the Central governments which always prefer to make policies that are aimed at “appeasing separatists in Kashmir”. This perceived “loading the dice in favour of Kashmiris” is something the Jammuites feel bad about, very strongly. It has been simmering, just below the surface, for several decades and the Amarnath land row ignited the fires which now refuse to die. In the year 2002, the total number of voters in Jammu stood at 30,91,193 and the number of voters in Kashmir was 29,86,670. Yet, the Jammu region had only 37 seats in the state assembly as opposed to 46 for the Kashmir valley.

The Kashmir region elects three Lok Sabha MPs and the Jammu only two.

When it comes to realization of revenue for electricity consumed, figures speak for themselves. Since Kashmir consumes more electricity than Jammu, the target set by the government for collection (during 2007-08) was Rs 519 crores and Rs 417 crores, respectively. The collection from Jammu was Rs 443 crores and only Rs 246 crores were collected from Kashmir.

The feeling that has gained ground in the Jammu region, and obviously not without reasons, is that its adherence to the idea of Indian nation means it is taken for granted. In contrast to the treatment meted out to the Kashmir valley which is given concessions aimed at “appeasement”. This complaint of the common Jammuites needs to be understood, in right perspective, and remedial measures taken.

Dateline Jammu has never been considered a good enough dateline by the various media houses but journalists salivate at the thought of going to the Kashmir valley for the mileage their reporting will fetch them. The time has now come to invest in trying to understand the aspirations of the Jammu region, as distinctly different from the Kashmir valley.